AKP aims to eliminate the Kurds
January 19, 2011
I have just finished the fifth volume of my defence which consists of 790 pages of handwriting and sent it to the European Court of Human Rights. I have also written an additional two pages which consist of wishes and requests. There is a need for the European Court to understand that my situation constitutes a juridical scandal. The Court should not be deceived, there can be some political alliances that I say nothing to, but when it comes to law one should keep to the principles. When something comes that may also concern me there is a total juridical trick taken up. The other day there was a new law to be enforced in relation to an amnesty for students, but in order that I should not benefit from it they prevented one hundred thousand students also from benefiting it. There were similar incidents in the past, hence they decided not to bring this new law out. The European Court should also evaluate the conditions under which the sentence is being executed. They abolished the death penalty but an aggravated life sentence is a practice similar to death penalty. Turkey does not even implement its own laws when I am concerned.
15 February is the date of the Kurdish people's genocide. This date of genocide begins with Sheikh Said and continues with me. They had already captured Cibranlı Halit and his friends before the rebellion. Sheikh Said did not have the intention to commence a rebellion. After a provocation the incidence with Sheikh Said began.
Mustafa Kemal essentially was able to sustain his state by benefiting from the conflicts between the Soviet Union and Britain. He knew clearly what the conflicts between them were and what they stemmed from. He was leaning on the Soviet Union but displaying policies that would be similar to that of Britain. In fact at the time, approval was given to three buffer, intermediate or equilibrium, states by Russia and Britain; Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan. Turkey emerged as a buffer state. There were two different sets of views in relation to Turkey. One of them did not want Turkey's emergence and thought that permission should not be granted. But Lloyd George lost his post in 1922 when a change in government took place in London. Instead, a more Conservative, moderate view that approved of Turkey's emergence came to prevail in government. This new government in Britain allowed for the emergence of Turkey as a buffer state on the condition that it be under its own control. Although Mustafa Kemal was an anti-communist he was able to get the support of Lenin and especially Stalin. Mustafa Kemal was able to sustain his state until the end of his life by taking advantage of the conflicts and equilibrium between these two states.
But Britain used to say “Mustafa Kemal is the first person to damage the expansion policies of our empire in the Middle East”. This is why they never forgave Mustafa Kemal and they besieged him. He also knew that he was besieged by those who are pro-British and did not object.
Britain at the time offered its support to the Jewish people in Turkey. It would point to the geography of present-day Turkey as the homeland of the Jews and would tell them that a Jewish state could be established there. This is maybe why the Jewish people made great contributions to the birth of the Republic of Turkey and in its aftermath. In fact Republic of Turkey might have been established as a pro-Israel state. If this was the tendency then, how should we understand the de-christianization of Anatolia? There is a difference between the genocide against the Christians and the one against the Kurds. They were successful with the genocide against the Christians, but they were not quite so successful with the Kurds. This is why together with physical genocide they also implemented and continue to implement economic, social, political and cultural genocide against the Kurds.
At the time they eliminated the Kurds from the Republic. Fethi Okyar was also eliminated because he said “I shan't have Kurdish blood on my hands”. He was overthrown from power because of this. In his place the pro-British Inönü government and Fevzi Çakmak's team were reinstated. They took charge. Mustafa Kemal lost his power and was used as a mere symbol. He became so weak that he was not to succeed in founding Serbest Firka against Inönü and his team. They then eliminated the Islamic section; then later it was the turn of communist and socialist circles. In fact, the elimination of all these three sections, the three alliances at the founding phase of the republic continues to be a problem to date.
From the 1920s to the 50s the British Empire had control over Turkey. But after the 1950s control was transferred to the United States of America. In the 1950s there was a special Gladio established in Turkey linked to NATO. This Gladio was a 'national Gladio' for both Turkey and the US at the time but in the 1990s this Gladio became autonomous. In 1990 Doğan Güreş said, “We received a green light from England for the elimination of the Kurds”. NATO supported Turkey against PKK and its centre was Germany. Since 1985 they set Article 5 of NATO treaty in motion against us. They gave a concerted support to Turkey. But I don't think they evacuated thousands of village and thousands of unsolved murders under the command and approval of NATO. I think these evacuations of villages and unsolved murders were done by the gladio that became autonomous in Turkey. Efforts were made to nationalize the NATO Gladio in Turkey during the term of Kenan Evren. Transformation into an autonomous structure concluded in 1990 with the Çiller coup d'etat. The present struggle is the result. Those who are detained at present are only those who have been exposed.
I remember what Tony Blair said in the 1990s; “We have no other policy than to constitute a Kurdish region in the North of Iraq”. NATO gave support to Turkey against us in this way. But in a meeting between Erdoğan and Bush in Washington in 2007 it was decided to eliminate this Gladio that had become autonomous. The Gladio of NATO, with the support of AKP, is eliminating the Gladio that has been exposed and is trying to escape control. The individuals detained are these ones. But I would like to expand more on what I had been saying earlier. I perhaps did not formulate it so well before. Within the army there are those who acknowledge the AKP's power in Turkey and those who don't. The AKP reached an agreement with those who acknowledged it within the army – and this is the section that represents the NATO Gladio in the army – to eliminate the section that became autonomous. Indeed Gladio is not being totally eliminated but an agreement and reconciliation has been reached with this certain section of it. This NATO Gladio is not something small but one that has expanded into a very vast region. It has expanded itself from Turkey to Afghanistan to Pakistan. The incident of placing bags over the heads of Turkish soldiers in Sulaimaniye is closely linked to this. The autonomous Gladio was making preparations for an assassination attempt against Talabani. But they were followed at all times and there was an immediate intervention. There is a three thousand manned Turkish army unit there. Why is it that no one really exposes this?
Erdoğan and Baykal reached an agreement in 2002 at a mansion in Beylerbeyi. This meeting is documented. If I am not wrong it is also mentioned in one of the books written by Yalçın Küçük. After their agreement there the path to Erdoğan becoming the prime minister was laid. Baykal entered an agreement with them because he thought, “AKP is not here to say, it will only stay in power for another two years and then shall step down”. Indeed the real essence of the agreement was in relation to the Kurds, as he told Erdoğan to 'finish off the Kurds with political Islam”. Baykal thought that he could eliminate the Kurds through the AKP and then become the prime minister in 2004. That was the plan. Bahçeli also supported this plan and they supported the AKP for many years now. The coup d'etat plans called 'Ayışığı', 'Sarıkız' and its like are all related to this plan. This would also coincide with the plans to eliminate the PKK from inside. In the year 2003 our peaceful stance was seen as a weakness by the State. They were partially successful in their plans of elimination, the known breakaways occurred at the time. The great resistance of our friends in the mountains and of our people frustrated all their plans. Britain and others supported the AKP and hence AKP got a green light from the US and Britain and continued with its rule.
Britain, the US and other super powers have no desire to resolve the Kurdish question. They do not want to resolve it. The AKP does not wish to resolve the Kurdish question either. Because the US and Britain do not wish to resolve the Kurdish issue they would like to hold PKK as a trump card in their hand. This is why they need the PKK. Through this card they would like to pressure Turkey to complete the transformation period in Northern Iraq. They in addition would like to make use of Turkey. The British want to tie Turkey in a strong knot to themselves. This is a big plan. The AKP is also not aware of such a plan. In fact the AKP is just a symbol. The AKP has grandfathers. But on the other hand the AKP does not wish to solve the Kurdish issue of course. Indeed Cevat Öneş summarises it the best, “there is no political will out there”. This is quite true, I agree with him. They now just had a row with the liberals as well. Those around Taraf newspaper, have they just realized what is going on? We have been telling them for a while now but they used to get angry with us. They even wrote against me because of it. They used to write against me in their papers and tell me; “Apo you are doing a great injustice to the AKP”. Unfortunately now though, it can be seen that I am right.
The state needs now to take some steps that will pave the way for peace. If not I shall withdraw myself out of it all. They have given no indication that they shall take some positive steps after June elections. If no signals are given and no steps are taken for peace then there is nothing that I can do. In the case that this is what happens there is no longer anything that I can do and hence one can re-evaluate the June decision. Everyone should evaluate all this in the right manner. If concrete things are discussed and if the government has a peace project then I can make my contributions. I think about all the data I receive but I cannot see a concrete peace project at the moment. But there could still be some instant reaction from the US or Britain.
The government needs to take a decision to make peace in order to resolve this issue. If it wants to then it is an easily taken decision. I had written to Gül when he was still the Prime Minister. I had made the necessary warnings. But he never replied. I wrote to them all, I wrote to Erdoğan as well. Even to date they have not responded. They do not have a decision. Even Hanefi Avcı, in his book, has said that, “We need to resolve it with Apo, we can sit down with Apo”. They even eliminated Mehmet Ağar just because he said “let them do politics in lowlands”. Everyone knows that both Hanefi Avcı and Mehmet Ağar were amongst those that had really fought me a lot in the past. They were even amongst those who had attempted to assassinate me in Syria. Yet now they say that the issue should be resolved and for that I should be talked to. They understood that they can not be successful in the manner they fought against us. And now they want peace. In 2002 the soldiers told me “if you are to fight then you should do so properly”. Hanefi Avcı, Mehmet Ağar, Eşref Bitlis, Cem Ersever, Erbakan, and even Turgut Özal -at the beginning they played the falcons against us – attempted to solve through a peaceful resolution when they saw that it was not to be solved in any other way. Both Kıvrıkoğlu and Karadayı also approached it this way, they were in favour of dialogue. Ecevit was an honest man but he was rendered ineffective.
At present if there is to be a resolution to the question then there should be a peace decision made by the AKP. But all the developments show that the government does not have such a decision and that he has contrary intentions. The KCK operations were made under the influence of those who are around the Police Academy, some columnists amongst them and others around the Zaman newspaper. To date these operations continue in a cunning and secretive way. Just like in Kars. These operations are not independent of the government. They thought “as we arrest them there shall be a vacuum and we shall act as we like and have all the people vote for us”. But this plan did not quite work. There are those who do not agree with the KCK operations within the state itself. I have no idea whether the Kurdish movement realises it but the plans of AKP to eliminate are no less dangerous then the plans of JITEM to eliminate them. Year 2010 was the year that showed such a plan will not work. There is a clear decision of elimination. Neither the BDP nor Kandil is sufficiently aware of this. We saw the results in the killing of the imam in Hakkari. The fury of the Prime Minister against us is tremendous and he is threatening us. That incidence was to say that I shall take twenty for each one. Hence twenty of our people were killed in return for an imam. The Geçitli incidence is related to that. All these point to the danger of a genocide. Bülent Arınç also made a statement the other day saying; “our aim is to make them passive”. This is what they are doing. Can it not be seen that this is what their intention is? There are 2000 people arrested because of the KCK. They can arrest ten more thousand people all because they have made a decision. They have no project to resolve it, but such a central decision. All these are parts of a comprehensive plan. They have recently assigned 1,500 new imams and are making brand new mosques to the region. Establish your own communities and mosques. Do not support the imams who are assigned to the region intentionally. The AKP targets the elimination of the Kurds.
The KCK prisoners should know that they are hostages. There are some mayors who are arrested; Mayor of Iğdır is one of them. They should be aware that they are hostages. The state holds them as hostages there. Making their defence in Kurdish is just the tip of the iceberg. They should be aware of the dangers and hence be more organized. They can lay down their democratic reactions against these illegitimate trials. But if they attempt a hunger strike until death they may give ground for provocations and become easy preys. The danger is greater then they think. The BDB is not aware of it all that much. AKP is constructing its own hegemonic power and spreading it everywhere. It is trying to secure its own rule. They have nothing to do with being Muslims they are in fact a fascist-Islamic hegemony. All these are topics that can be discussed in the political academies and are serious issues. There are evaluations that say that Hizbullah is not a big power. It may be true but the state may put them in motion again and they may act against you. They are waiting for their turn and you are not even aware. But it is important that you contact those who are sincere and if they are aware of what is going on then they can take their place in the City Councils.
I am under aggravated imprisonment conditions, I am unable to breathe easily and I cannot sleep. There is nothing more I can do from here. I am like a hostage here, it is like being crucified. It is hence not right for a person to make decisions as if he is free; this is neither right nor ethical. Such a person can only do so much, and that is what I am doing. I am preparing my defence. The Kurdish movement must understand this and act accordingly and must alleviate the burden upon me. I have written the necessary things in my defence. They tried to deceive me in 2004, 2005, 2007 and 2008. This time around it shall not happen. I cannot deceive my people. I had mentioned it in the Road Map that if the question is not resolved and their target is to eliminate them then “the phase of an all-out resistance in order to protect ones existence and to ensure freedom may begin”. These topics should be discussed continuously. The Kurdish movement must make up its own mind.
Those who lived off me, those who used me left the movement. Those who are of good will remained. But I do not know whether they can develop it further, they shall determine all this. When the MGK (National Security Council) statement was out everyone was shocked. Everyone wondered why the classical statements had returned. But I was not shocked as I thought that such a statement had a bit to do with my last defences (the V. volume). I do not think they could handle my final defence and saw fit to respond in such a manner. When Gül went to Diyarbakır he did not wish to meet with the representatives of the people. He did not receive the representative of the City Councils, instead he just saw their own supporters. You know he saw those who are lately called the bourgeoisie of Diyarbakir. He did not show any recognition of people's will power. He came to deny them, and you do not show any reaction! The BDP did not evaluate this in the best possible way. One of the best evaluations was made by a columnist; “Gül, came to remove the efforts of the past 20 to 30 years”. He has understood it well, it was well summarized in a single sentence.
Arif Doğan is talking quite a lot but he is causing a great lead of misinformation. They may want to create some deception about his health by always showing him talk on a chair.
The Kurds should be aware of the danger and take their precautions accordingly. Just because there are conflicts between the government and the army does not mean they shan't cooperate. One should think all this within its integrity.
I continuously talk about the importance of City Councils and Provincial Councils. It would be quite beneficial for the development of democratic solution if the establishment of these would be completed as soon as possible.
I shall from now on use the term democratic national alliance. I am talking of such a term for the first time. Hence I am for the first time conceptualizing the alliance and the endeavour and the need to work for unity in such a way. Within this framework a dialogue with the ÖDP, EMEP, and other left-wing circles is important. They can take their place in such a framework and if they organize themselves well enough there is a serious potential. The 10% threshold may even be overcome.
If Kılıçdaroğlu does not wish to become a different version of Baykal and if he has a mission to democratize Kemalizm then he should be ready to enter into dialogue with BDP. If CHP and Kılıçdaroğlu make efforts to democratize the republic and kemalizm then a unity can be established with them. If he has such a mission then entering into such an alliance shall open a new page in the Kurdish-Turkish relations.
I send my greetings to all the friends in the prisons and our people in Kars and Muş.